9、( )X、Y均为前20号元素,其简单离子的电子层结构相同,下列说法正确的是
A、由mXa+与nYb-,得m+a=n-b
B、X2-的还原性一定大于Y-
C、X、Y一定不是同周期元素
D、若X的原子半径大于Y,则气态氢化物的稳定性HmX一定大于HnY
8、( )下列说法中不正确的是
①、质子数相同的粒子一定属于同种元素 ②、同位素的性质几乎完全相同
③、质子数相同,电子数也相同的粒子,不可能是一种分子和一种离子
④、电子数相同的粒子不一定是同一元素 ⑤、一种元素只能有一种质量数
⑥、某种元素的相对原子质量取整数,就是其质量数
A、①②④⑤ B、③④⑤⑥ C、②③⑤⑥ D、①②⑤⑥
7、( )由两种原子组成的纯净物
A、一定是化合物 B、可能是单质,也可能是化合物
C、一定是单质 D、不可能是纯净物
6、( )已知钡的活动性介于钠和钾之间,下列叙述正确的是
A、钡与水反应不如钠与水反应剧烈 B、钡可以从KCl溶液中置换出钾
C、氧化性:K+>Ba2+>Na+ D、碱性:KOH>Ba(OH)2>NaOH
5、( )IUPAC在1989年建议把长式元素周期表原先的主、副族及族号取消,由左至右改为18列,如碱金属元素为第1列,稀有气体元素为第18列。按此规定,下列说法错误的是
A、第15列元素的最高价氧化物对应水化物的化学式为H3RO4
B、第2列元素中肯定没有非金属元素
C、第17列的第一种元素无含氧酸
D、第3列元素的种类最多,第14列元素形成的化合物的种类最多
4、( )有X、Y两种元素,原子序数≤20,X的原子半径小于Y,且X、Y原子的最外层电子数相同(选项中m、n均为正整数),下列说法正确的是
A、若X(OH)n为强碱,则Y(OH)n也一定为强碱
B、若HnXOm为强酸,则X的氢化物溶于水一定显酸性
C、若X形成的单质是X2,则Y元素形成的单质一定是Y2
D、若Y的最高正价为+m,则X的最高正价一定为+m
3、( )甲、乙、丙三种溶液各含一种X-(X-为Cl-、Br-或I-),向甲种加淀粉溶液和氯水,则溶液变为橙色,再加丙溶液,颜色无明显变化。则甲、乙、丙依次所含离子为
A、Br-、Cl-、I- B、Br-、I-、Cl- C、I-、Br-、Cl- D、Cl-、I- 、Br-
2、( )某元素的一种同位素X的原子质量数为A,含N个中子,它与1H原子组成HmX分子。在a g HmX中所含质子的物质的量是
A、 B、
C、 D、
1、( )下列有关32He和42He的说法不正确的是
A.42He在一定条件下若转变为32He,不属于传统意义上的化学变化
B.32He和42He的核外电子数均为2
C.32He和42He分别形成单质的物理和化学性质完全一样
D.32He和42He互为同位素
14.The price of freedom---- A special report on South Africa
*Since embracing full democracy 16 years ago, South Africa has made huge strides. But, says Diana Geddes (interviewed here), not everything has changed for the better
SPORT matters in South Africa. In his new year’s address to the nation, President Jacob Zuma described 2010 as “the most important year in our country since 1994”. To outsiders, playing host to this year’s football World Cup seemed perhaps a less momentous event than holding the country’s first fully democratic elections that established a black-majority government 16 years ago-especially when the national team, Bafana Bafana, may be knocked out in the first round. But with the kick-off on June 11th, just days after the country’s 100th birthday on May 31st, the world’s eyes will be on Africa’s leading economy for the next few weeks.
SPORT matters in South Africa. In his new year’s address to the nation, President Jacob Zuma described 2010 as “the most important year in our country since 1994”. To outsiders, playing host to this year’s football World Cup seemed perhaps a less momentous event than holding the country’s first fully democratic elections that established a black-majority government 16 years ago-especially when the national team, Bafana Bafana, may be knocked out in the first round. But with the kick-off on June 11th, just days after the country’s 100th birthday on May 31st, the world’s eyes will be on Africa’s leading economy for the next few weeks.
Can the “miracle” nation, which won plaudits around the world for its peaceful transition to democracy after centuries of white-supremacist rule, conquer the bitter divisions of its past to turn itself into the “rainbow nation” of Nelson Mandela’s dreams? Or will it become ever more mired in bad governance, racial tension, poverty, corruption, violence and decay to turn into yet another African failed state? With Zimbabwe, its neighbour to the north, an ever-present reminder of what can happen after just a couple of decades of post-liberation single-party rule, many South Africans, black and white, worry that their country may be reaching a tipping point.
Western fans arriving in South Africa for the World Cup could be forgiven for thinking that they were still in the rich world. Much of the infrastructure is as good as you will find anywhere-particularly those parts that have been given multi-million-dollar facelifts in preparation for the tournament. Ten spectacular stadiums have been newly built or upgraded at a cost of 15 billion rand (see box for currency conversions). Visitors arriving at O.R. Tambo, the main international airport, will be whisked into Johannesburg by the Gautrain, Africa’s first high-speed rail link (pictured above). And many of the country’s hotels and restaurants are world-class, including Bushmans Kloof hotel, three hours’ drive from Cape Town, recently voted the world’s best by Travel + Leisure website, and Cape Town’s La Colombe, ranked 12th in this year’s S.Pellegrino list of the best restaurants.
Not as rich as it looks
But in reality South Africa is no more than a middle-income developing country with a GDP per person of around $10,000 (at purchasing-power parity), a quarter of the American figure. On a per-head basis, it is the seventh-richest country in Africa by some measures. The average hides huge disparities. Under apartheid, whites were encouraged to believe they were part of the Western world. It was only when they had to start sharing their streets, goods and services with their darker-skinned compatriots that they began to wonder whether they really were. Many now complain about falling standards. Yet most whites have done rather well since apartheid ended-better, in fact, than most blacks. They still enjoy a good life, helped by cheap domestic help and first-class private medical care and schools.
For the majority of South Africa’s blacks, however, the living is not so easy. Although many of the poorest now get some kind of government support, it is only a pittance. Most blacks still live in shoddy shacks or bungalows without proper sanitation in poor crime-ridden townships outside the main cities. Their schools and hospitals are often in a dire state. And, in a country where there is little public transport, most blacks do not own a car. Although it has the world’s 24th-biggest economy, South Africa ranks a dismal 129th out of 182 on the UN’s Human Development Index (and 12th in Africa).
The country’s constitution, adopted in 1996, is one of the most progressive in the world. It enshrines a wide range of social and economic rights as well as the more usual civil and political freedoms. Discrimination is banned not only on the grounds of race, gender, age and belief, but also of pregnancy, marital status, sexual orientation and culture. Every one of the country’s 49m people-79% black, 9% white, 9% coloured (mixed race) and 3% Asian/Indian-is guaranteed equal protection under the law. Freedom House, a Washington-based research foundation, gives South Africa a respectable rating of 2 in its “freedom in the world” index, where 1 is completely free and 7 totally unfree.
South Africa is a land of contrasts. It has fabulous mineral wealth, with 90% of the world’s known platinum reserves, 80% of its manganese, 70% of its chrome and 40% of its gold, as well as rich coal deposits; yet 43% of its population live on less than $2 a day. It has just announced plans to develop a satellite programme (with India and Brazil) and is the leading candidate to host the world’s biggest science project, the Square Kilometre Array radio telescope; yet in international maths, science and reading tests it performs abysmally. It has sky-high unemployment yet at the same time suffers from crippling skills shortages. It was the first country to perform a heart transplant, and some of its doctors are still among the best anywhere; yet its people’s health record is among the world’s worst. And, leaving aside war zones, it is one of the most violent and crime-ridden countries on the planet. This special report will look at South Africa the way that most of its people see it. The results are often harsh.
The bright side
Yet there are some encouraging signs that the contrasts are getting less stark. South Africa has recently cut its murder rate in half; virtually eradicated severe malnutrition among the under-fives; increased the enrolment in schools of children aged seven to 15 to nearly 100%; provided welfare benefits for 15m people; and set up the world’s biggest antiretroviral treatment programme for HIV/AIDS.
What about race? South Africa remains obsessed by it. That is hardly surprising after 350 years of racial polarisation, including nearly half a century of apartheid, when inter-racial sex was a criminal offence and non-whites were even banned from using the pavements. The subject waxes and wanes. Only last August Mr Zuma was warning his compatriots against reviving the race debate. But the murder in April of Eugene Terre’Blanche, leader of a white-supremacist group, and the racist outbursts by Julius Malema, the leader of the powerful Youth League of the ruling African National Congress (ANC), have brought it to the fore again.
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